Econstudentlog

A few papers

i. Quality of life of adolescents with autism spectrum disorders: comparison to adolescents with diabetes.

“The goals of our study were to clarify the consequences of autistic disorder without mental retardation on […] adolescents’ daily lives, and to consider them in comparison with the impact of a chronic somatic disease (diabetes) […] Scores for adolescents with ASD were significantly lower than those of the control and the diabetic adolescents, especially for friendships, leisure time, and affective and sexual relationships. On the other hand, better scores were obtained for the relationships with parents and teachers and for self-image. […] For subjects with autistic spectrum disorders and without mental retardation, impairment of quality of life is significant in adolescence and young adulthood. Such adolescents are dissatisfied with their relationships, although they often have real motivation to succeed with them.”

As someone who has both conditions, that paper was quite interesting. A follow-up question of some personal interest to me would of course be this: How do the scores/outcomes of these two groups compare to the scores of the people who have both conditions simultaneously? This question is likely almost impossible to answer in any confident manner, certainly if the conditions are not strongly dependent (unlikely), considering the power issues; global prevalence of autism is around 0.6% (link), and although type 1 prevalence is highly variable across countries, the variation just means that in some countries almost nobody gets it whereas in other countries it’s just rare; prevalence varies from 0.5 per 100.000 to 60 per 100.000 children aged 0-15 years. Assuming independence, if you look at combinations of the sort of conditions which affect one in a hundred people with those affecting one in a thousand, you’ll need on average in the order of 100.000 people to pick up just one individual with both of the conditions of interest. It’s bothersome to even try to find people like that, and good luck doing any sort of sensible statistics on that kind of sample. Of course type 1 diabetes prevalence increases with age in a way that autism does not because people continue to be diagnosed with it into late adulthood, whereas most autistics are diagnosed as children, so this makes the rarity of the condition less of a problem in adult samples, but if you’re looking at outcomes it’s arguable whether it makes sense to not differentiate between someone diagnosed with type 1 diabetes as a 35 year old and someone diagnosed as a 5 year old (are these really comparable diseases, and which outcomes are you interested in?). At least that is the case for developed societies where people with type 1 diabetes have high life expectancies; in less developed societies there may be stronger linkage between incidence and prevalence because of high mortality in the patient group (because people who get type 1 diabetes in such countries may not live very long because of inadequate medical care, which means there’s a smaller disconnect between how many new people get the disease during each time period and how many people in total have the disease than is the case for places where the mortality rates are lower). You always need to be careful about distinguishing between incidence and prevalence when dealing with conditions like T1DM with potential high mortality rates in settings where people have limited access to medical care because differential cross-country mortality patterns may be important.

ii. Exercise for depression (Cochrane review).

Background

Depression is a common and important cause of morbidity and mortality worldwide. Depression is commonly treated with antidepressants and/or psychological therapy, but some people may prefer alternative approaches such as exercise. There are a number of theoretical reasons why exercise may improve depression. This is an update of an earlier review first published in 2009.

Objectives

To determine the effectiveness of exercise in the treatment of depression in adults compared with no treatment or a comparator intervention. […]

Selection criteria 

Randomised controlled trials in which exercise (defined according to American College of Sports Medicine criteria) was compared to standard treatment, no treatment or a placebo treatment, pharmacological treatment, psychological treatment or other active treatment in adults (aged 18 and over) with depression, as defined by trial authors. We included cluster trials and those that randomised individuals. We excluded trials of postnatal depression.

Thirty-nine trials (2326 participants) fulfilled our inclusion criteria, of which 37 provided data for meta-analyses. There were multiple sources of bias in many of the trials; randomisation was adequately concealed in 14 studies, 15 used intention-to-treat analyses and 12 used blinded outcome assessors.For the 35 trials (1356 participants) comparing exercise with no treatment or a control intervention, the pooled SMD for the primary outcome of depression at the end of treatment was -0.62 (95% confidence interval (CI) -0.81 to -0.42), indicating a moderate clinical effect. There was moderate heterogeneity (I² = 63%).

When we included only the six trials (464 participants) with adequate allocation concealment, intention-to-treat analysis and blinded outcome assessment, the pooled SMD for this outcome was not statistically significant (-0.18, 95% CI -0.47 to 0.11). Pooled data from the eight trials (377 participants) providing long-term follow-up data on mood found a small effect in favour of exercise (SMD -0.33, 95% CI -0.63 to -0.03). […]

Authors’ conclusions

Exercise is moderately more effective than a control intervention for reducing symptoms of depression, but analysis of methodologically robust trials only shows a smaller effect in favour of exercise. When compared to psychological or pharmacological therapies, exercise appears to be no more effective, though this conclusion is based on a few small trials.”

iii. Risk factors for suicide in individuals with depression: A systematic review.

“The search strategy identified 3374 papers for potential inclusion. Of these, 155 were retrieved for a detailed evaluation. Thirty-two articles fulfilled the detailed eligibility criteria. […] Nineteen studies (28 publications) were included. Factors significantly associated with suicide were: male gender (OR = 1.76, 95% CI = 1.08–2.86), family history of psychiatric disorder (OR = 1.41, 95% CI= 1.00–1.97), previous attempted suicide (OR = 4.84, 95% CI = 3.26–7.20), more severe depression (OR = 2.20, 95% CI = 1.05–4.60), hopelessness (OR = 2.20, 95% CI = 1.49–3.23) and comorbid disorders, including anxiety (OR = 1.59, 95% CI = 1.03–2.45) and misuse of alcohol and drugs (OR = 2.17, 95% CI = 1.77–2.66).
Limitations: There were fewer studies than suspected. Interdependence between risk factors could not be examined.”

iv. Cognitive behaviour therapy for social anxiety in autism spectrum disorder: a systematic review.

“Individuals who have autism spectrum disorders (ASD) commonly experience anxiety about social interaction and social situations. Cognitive behaviour therapy (CBT) is a recommended treatment for social anxiety (SA) in the non-ASD population. Therapy typically comprises cognitive interventions, imagery-based work and for some individuals, behavioural interventions. Whether these are useful for the ASD population is unclear. Therefore, we undertook a systematic review to summarise research about CBT for SA in ASD.”

I mostly include this review here to highlight how reviews aren’t everything – I like them, but you can’t do reviews when a field hasn’t been studied. This is definitely the case here. The review was sort of funny, but also depressing. So much work for so little insight. Here’s the gist of it:

“Using a priori criteria, we searched for English-language peer-reviewed empirical studies in five databases. The search yielded 1364 results. Titles, abstracts and relevant publications were independently screened by two reviewers. Findings: Four single case studies met the review inclusion criteria; data were synthesised narratively. Participants (three adults and one child) were diagnosed with ASD and social anxiety disorder.”

You search the scientific literature systematically, you find more than a thousand results, and you carefully evaluate which ones of them should be included in this kind of study …and what you end up with is 4 individual case studies…

(I won’t go into the results of the study as they’re pretty much worthless.)

v. Immigrant Labor Market Integration across Admission Classes.

“We examine patterns of labor market integration across immigrant groups. The study draws on Norwegian longitudinal administrative data covering labor earnings and social insurance claims over a 25‐year period and presents a comprehensive picture of immigrant‐native employment and social insurance differentials by admission class and by years since entry.”

Some quotes from the paper:

“A recent study using 2011 administrative data from Sweden finds an average employment gap to natives of 30 percentage points for humanitarian migrants (refugees) and 26 percentage point for family immigrants (Luik et al., 2016).”

“A considerable fraction of the immigrants leaves the country after just a few years. […] this is particularly the case for immigrants from the old EU and for students and work-related immigrants from developing countries. For these groups, fewer than 50 percent remain in the country 5 years after entry. For refugees and family migrants, the picture is very different, and around 80 percent appear to have settled permanently in the country. Immigrants from the new EU have a settlement pattern somewhere in between, with approximately 70 percent settled on a permanent basis. An implication of such differential outmigration patterns is that the long-term labor market performance of refugees and family immigrants is of particular economic and fiscal importance. […] the varying rates of immigrant inflows and outflows by admission class, along with other demographic trends, have changed the composition of the adult (25‐66) population between 1990 and 2015. In this population segment, the overall immigrant share increased from 4.9 percent in 1990 to 18.7 percent in 2015 — an increase by a factor of 3.8 over 25 years. […] Following the 2004 EU enlargement, the fraction of immigrants in Norway has increased by a steady rate of approximately one percentage point per year.”

“The trends in population and employment shares varies considerably across admission classes, with employment shares of refugees and family immigrants lagging their growth in population shares. […] In 2014, refugees and family immigrants accounted for 12.8 percent of social insurance claims, compared to 5.7 percent of employment (and 7.7 percent of the adult population). In contrast, the two EU groups made up 9.3 percent of employment (and 8.8 percent of the adult population) but only 3.6 percent of social insurance claimants. Although these patterns do illuminate the immediate (short‐term) fiscal impacts of immigration at each particular point in time, they are heavily influenced by each year’s immigrant composition – in terms of age, years since migration, and admission classes – and therefore provide little information about long‐term consequences and impacts of fiscal sustainability. To assess the latter, we need to focus on longer‐term integration in the Norwegian labor market.”

Which they then proceed to do in the paper. From the results of those analyses:

“For immigrant men, the sample average share in employment (i.e., whose main source of income is work) ranges from 58 percent for refugees to 89 percent for EU immigrants, with family migrants somewhere between (around 80 percent). The average shares with social insurance as the main source of income ranges from only four percent for EU immigrants to as much as 38 percent for refugees. The corresponding shares for native men are 87 percent in employment and 12 percent with social insurance as their main income source. For women, the average shares in employment vary from 46 percent for refugees to 85 percent for new EU immigrants, whereas the average shares in social insurance vary from five percent for new EU immigrants to 42 percent for refugees. The corresponding rates for native women are 80 percent in employment and 17 percent with social insurance as their main source of income.”

“The profiles estimated for refugees are particularly striking. For men, we find that the native‐immigrant employment gap reaches its minimum value at 20 percentage points after five to six years of residence. The gap then starts to increase quite sharply again, and reaches 30 percentage points after 15 years. This development is mirrored by a corresponding increase in social insurance dependency. For female refugees, the employment differential reaches its minimum of 30 percentage points after 5‐9 years of residence. The subsequent decline is less dramatic than what we observe for men, but the differential stands at 35 percentage points 15 years after admission. […] The employment difference between refugees from Bosnia and Somalia is fully 22.2 percentage points for men and 37.7 points for women. […] For immigrants from the old EU, the employment differential is slightly in favor of immigrants regardless of years since migration, and the social insurance differentials remain consistently negative. In other words, employment of old EU immigrants is almost indistinguishable from that of natives, and they are less likely to claim social insurance benefits.”

vi. Glucose Peaks and the Risk of Dementia and 20-Year Cognitive Decline.

“Hemoglobin A1c (HbA1c), a measure of average blood glucose level, is associated with the risk of dementia and cognitive impairment. However, the role of glycemic variability or glucose excursions in this association is unclear. We examined the association of glucose peaks in midlife, as determined by the measurement of 1,5-anhydroglucitol (1,5-AG) level, with the risk of dementia and 20-year cognitive decline.”

“Nearly 13,000 participants from the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities (ARIC) study were examined. […] Over a median time of 21 years, dementia developed in 1,105 participants. Among persons with diabetes, each 5 μg/mL decrease in 1,5-AG increased the estimated risk of dementia by 16% (hazard ratio 1.16, P = 0.032). For cognitive decline among participants with diabetes and HbA1c <7% (53 mmol/mol), those with glucose peaks had a 0.19 greater z score decline over 20 years (P = 0.162) compared with those without peaks. Among participants with diabetes and HbA1c ≥7% (53 mmol/mol), those with glucose peaks had a 0.38 greater z score decline compared with persons without glucose peaks (P < 0.001). We found no significant associations in persons without diabetes.

CONCLUSIONS Among participants with diabetes, glucose peaks are a risk factor for cognitive decline and dementia. Targeting glucose peaks, in addition to average glycemia, may be an important avenue for prevention.”

vii. Gaze direction detection in autism spectrum disorder.

“Detecting where our partners direct their gaze is an important aspect of social interaction. An atypical gaze processing has been reported in autism. However, it remains controversial whether children and adults with autism spectrum disorder interpret indirect gaze direction with typical accuracy. This study investigated whether the detection of gaze direction toward an object is less accurate in autism spectrum disorder. Individuals with autism spectrum disorder (n = 33) and intelligence quotients–matched and age-matched controls (n = 38) were asked to watch a series of synthetic faces looking at objects, and decide which of two objects was looked at. The angle formed by the two possible targets and the face varied following an adaptive procedure, in order to determine individual thresholds. We found that gaze direction detection was less accurate in autism spectrum disorder than in control participants. Our results suggest that the precision of gaze following may be one of the altered processes underlying social interaction difficulties in autism spectrum disorder.”

“Where people look at informs us about what they know, want, or attend to. Atypical or altered detection of gaze direction might thus lead to impoverished acquisition of social information and social interaction. Alternatively, it has been suggested that abnormal monitoring of inner states […], or the lack of social motivation […], would explain the reduced tendency to follow conspecific gaze in individuals with ASD. Either way, a lower tendency to look at the eyes and to follow the gaze would provide fewer opportunities to practice GDD [gaze direction detection – US] ability. Thus, impaired GDD might either play a causal role in atypical social interaction, or conversely be a consequence of it. Exploring GDD earlier in development might help disentangle this issue.”

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June 1, 2017 - Posted by | Diabetes, Economics, Epidemiology, Medicine, Neurology, Psychiatry, Psychology, Studies

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